Category Archives: Infrastructure

FCC Mobile Competition Report Is One Green Light for AT&T/T-Mobile Deal

BY LARRY DOWNES AND GEOFFREY A. MANNE

The FCC published in June its annual report on the state of competition in the mobile services marketplace. Under ordinary circumstances, this 300-plus page tome would sit quietly on the shelf, since, like last year’s report, it ‘‘makes no formal finding as to whether there is, or is not, effective competition in the industry.’’

But these are not ordinary circumstances. Thanks to innovations including new smartphones and tablet computers, application (app) stores and the mania for games such as ‘‘Angry Birds,’’ the mobile industry is perhaps the only sector of the economy where consumer demand is growing explosively.

Meanwhile, the pending merger between AT&T and T-Mobile USA, valued at more than $39 billion, has the potential to accelerate development of the mobile ecosystem. All eyes, including many in Congress, are on the FCC and the Department of Justice.  Their review of the deal could take the rest of the year. So the FCC’s refusal to make a definitive finding on the competitive state of the industry has left analysts poring through the report, reading the tea leaves for clues as to how the FCC will evaluate the proposed merger.

Make no mistake: this is some seriously expensive tea. If the deal is rejected, AT&T is reported to have agreed to pay T-Mobile $3 billion in cash for its troubles. Some competitors, notably Sprint, have declared
full-scale war, marshaling an army of interest groups and friendly journalists.

But the deal makes good economic sense for consumers. Most important, T-Mobile’s spectrum assets will allow AT&T to roll out a second national 4G LTE (longterm evolution) network to compete with Verizon’s, and expand service to rural customers. (Currently, only 38 percent of rural customers have three or more choices for mobile broadband.)

More to the point, the government has no legal basis for turning down the deal based on its antitrust review. Under the law, the FCC must approve AT&T’s bid to buy T-Mobile USA unless the agency can prove the transaction is not ‘‘in the public interest.’’ While the FCC’s public interest standard is famously undefined, the agency typically balances the benefits of the deal against potential harm to consumers. If the benefits outweigh the harms, the Commission must approve.

The benefits are there, and the harms are few. Though the FCC refuses to acknowledge it explicitly, the report’s impressive detail amply supports what everyone already knows: falling prices, improved quality, dynamic competition and unflagging innovation have led to a golden age of mobile services. Indeed, the three main themes of the report all support AT&T’s contention that competition will thrive and the public’s interests will be well served by combining with T-Mobile.

1.  Mobile Service: Rare Bright Spot in Recession

Demand for mobile services is soaring. The FCC reports 274 million mobile subscribers in 2009, up almost 5 percent from the previous year. The number of mobile internet subscribers, the fastest-growing category, doubled between 2008 and 2009. By late 2010, 41 percent of new mobile phone purchases were for smartphones. More than 9 billion apps had been downloaded by the end of 2010.

Despite poor economic conditions elsewhere, new infrastructure investment continues at a frenzied clip. Between 1999 and 2009, industrywide investment exceeded $213 billion. In 2009 alone, investments topped $20 billion—almost 15 percent of total industry revenue. Of the leading providers, only Sprint decreased
its investments in recent years.

Yet unlike virtually every other commodity, prices for mobile services continue to decline across the board, hardly a sign of flagging competition. The price of mobile voice services, the FCC reports, has ‘‘declined dramatically over the past 17 years,’’ falling 9 percent from 2008-2009 alone. (The average price for a voice minute is now 4 cents in the U.S., compared with 16 cents in Western Europe.) Text prices fell 25 percent in 2009. The price per megabyte of data traffic fell sevenfold from 2008-2010, from $1.21 to 17 cents.

2.  Mobile Competition Is Robust and Dynamic

The FCC, recognizing the dynamism of the mobile services industry, is moving away from simplistic tools the agency once used to evaluate industry competitiveness. The report repeatedly de-emphasizes the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, or HHI concentration index, which tends to understate competition. The report also downplays the value of ‘‘spectrum screens’’ that once limited a single provider to one-third of the total spectrum in a given market.

Now, the commission says, its evaluation is based on real-world conditions, and looks at competition mostly at the local level. That makes sense. ‘‘Consumers generally search for service providers in the local areas where they live, work, and travel,’’ according to the report, ‘‘and are unlikely to search for providers that do not serve their local areas.’’

Looking at all 172 local markets individually, the FCC found ample evidence of vibrant competition. For mobile voice services, for example, nearly 90 percent of consumers have a choice of five or more providers. In 2010, almost 68 percent of U.S. consumers had four or more mobile broadband providers to choose from, a significant increase over 2009.

Competition between different kinds of wireless service (cellular, PCS, WiFi, and WiMax) is also increasing, and a wider range of the radio spectrum is now being included in the FCC’s analysis. Competition between mobile and traditional wireline service is growing in significance. More and more consumers are even ‘‘cutting the cord:’’ By the beginning of 2010, 25 percent of all households had no wireline service, up from 2 percent in 2003.

And competition within the mobile services marketplace, the Commission recognizes, is increasingly being driven not by the carriers but by new devices, applications and services. From 2008-2009, the FCC found that 38 percent of those who had switched carriers did so because it was the only way to obtain the particular handset that they wanted.

There are dozens of handsets to choose from, and no dominant provider among smartphone operating systems or device manufacturers. New entrants can and do thrive: handsets running Google’s Android operating system rose from 5 percent of the total market at the end of 2009 to almost 20 percent by mid-2010.

3.  If There Is a Problem, It Is Government

As consumers continue to embrace new mobile technologies and services, pressure is building on existing networks and the limited radio spectrum available to them. The risk of future network overload is serious—the one dark cloud hanging over the mobile industry’s abundant sunshine. According to the report, ‘‘mobile broadband growth is likely to outpace the ability of technology and network improvements to keep up by an estimated factor of three.’’

The FCC sees a ‘‘spectrum deficit’’ of 300 megahertz within five years. But the FCC and Congress have made little progress over the last two years to free up underutilized spectrum in both public and private hands. Auctions for available spectrum in the valuable 700 Mhz. band are tied up in political fights over a public safety network. Spectrum held by over-the-air television broadcasters is idling as Congress debates ‘‘incentive’’ auctions that would share proceeds between the broadcasters and the government.

Improving coverage by modifying or adding cell towers, the commission finds, is subject to considerable delay at the local level. Of 3,300 zoning applications for wireless facilities pending in 2009, nearly 25 percent had been idling for more than a year. Some had been languishing for more than three years, despite an FCC requirement that applications be decided within 150 days at the most.

Combining the spectrum assets of AT&T and T-Mobile would go a long  way toward limiting the potentially catastrophic effect of ‘‘spectrum deficit.’’ AT&T plans to move T-Mobile 3G customers to its existing network and integrate T-Mobile’s existing physical infrastructure, improving 3G service and freeing up valuable spectrum to launch a new nationwide 4G LTE network. As the report notes, T-Mobile had no plans to ever launch true 4G service and, given its limited spectrum
holdings, probably never could.

As part of its public interest analysis, the FCC will have to take these and other regulatory constraints to heart.

To Reality . . . and Beyond!

Reading the entire report, it’s clear that the FCC recognizes, as it must, that, even with the exit of T-Mobile from the U.S. market, mobile services would be anything but a ‘‘duopoly’’—either at the national level or at the local level, which is where it counts.

Competition is being driven by multiple local competitors, competing technologies, and handset and software providers. Federal, state and local governments all play an active role in overseeing the industry, which even the FCC now sees as the only serious constraint on future growth.

In Silicon Valley, if not inside the Beltway, consumers are understood to be the real drivers of the mobile services ecosystem—the true market-makers. Maybe that’s why the report found that the vast majority of U.S. consumers report being ‘‘very satisfied’’ with their mobile service.

It is a relief to see the FCC looking carefully at real data and coming to realistic conclusions, as it does throughout the report. Let’s hope reality continues its reign during the long AT&T/T-Mobile review and beyond, as this dynamic industry continues to evolve.

Reproduced with permission from Daily Report for Executives, July 11, 2011. Copyright 2011 The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc. (800-372-1033) www.bna.com.

Spectrum reform in our lifetime?

Last week the Senate Commerce Committee passed–with deep bi-partisan support–the Public Safety Spectrum and Wireless Innovation Act. The bill, co-sponsored by Committee Chairman Jay Rockefeller and Ranking Member Kay Bailey Hutchison, is a comprehensive effort to resolve several long-standing stalemates and impending crises having to do with one of the most critical 21st century resources:  radio spectrum.

My analysis of the bill appears today on CNET.  See “Spectrum reform, public safety network move forward in Senate.”

The proposed legislation is impressive in scope; it offers new and in some cases novel solutions to more than half-a-dozen spectrum-related problems, including:

1.  Voluntary incentive auctions – The bill authorizes the FCC to coordinate “voluntary incentive auctions”  (VIA) of under-utilized spectrum from over-the-air TV broadcasters to better uses, including mobile broadband.  Broadcasters giving up some or all of their licensed spectrum would share the proceeds with the government.  The FCC has been asking for this authority for two years.

2.  Public safety network – The bill would break the logjam over the long-desired nationwide interoperable public safety network.  It would create a new non-profit public-private partnership to build the network, with an outright grant of the D-block of 700 Mhz. spectrum.  (That block, freed up as part of the 2009 transition to digital TV, has sat idle since a failed auction in 2008.)  Financing for the build-out would come from proceeds of the VIAs.  The public safety network has been in limbo since it was first proposed soon after 9/11.  (The proposed bill is S. 911.)

3.  Spectrum inventory – The FCC would be required to complete a comprehensive inventory of existing licenses (which, amazingly, doesn’t exist) within 180 days.  President Obama ordered the agency to complete the inventory over a year ago, but so far only a “baseline” inventory has been created.

4.  Secondary markets – The FCC would be required to begin a rulemaking to review current limits to secondary spectrum markets that interfere with liquidity, in the hopes of making them more robust.  (VIAs could take years to organize and conduct.)

5.  Public spectrum – The National Telecommunications and Information Administration would be required to identify significant blocks of underutilized federal spectrum allocations and make them available for auction by the FCC.

6.  Spectrum innovation – The National Science Foundation and other grant-making agencies would be required to accelerate research grants for new technologies that would make spectrum use more efficient.

7.  Repacking – While the FCC can’t require broadcasters to participate in VIAs, it can force them to move to nearby channels if doing so would free up more valuable blocks of spectrum for auction.  A fund would be created to compensate stations for the disruption of switching channels.

The range of issues that S.911 deals with suggests the breadth of the current spectrum crisis.  Here it is in a nutshell.  Radio frequencies are a limited public resource.  Up until recently, however, there’s been more than enough to go around.  Following the advice of Nobel prizewinning economist Ronald A. Coase, the FCC has used auctions to find the best and highest use for this resource, generating significant revenue in the process.

But the digital age has changed the dynamics of spectrum.  Mobile uses are exploding, as are mobile devices, mobile applications, mobile users and mobile everything else.  Moore’s Law is rapidly overtaking FCC law once again.  Existing wireless networks are groaning under the strain of volume that has increased 8000% since the launch of the iPhone.

Last year’s National Broadband Plan, for example, predicted that 300 Mhz. of additional spectrum would need to be found to keep mobile broadband on track.

But the government’s current processes of finding and allocating more spectrum are simply too slow to keep pace with the current wave of technological innovation.  It will get worse as 3G moves to 4G and from there–well, who knows?  All we can safely predict is that the “G”s will keep coming, and arrive faster all the time.  So radical re-thinking of spectrum management is urgent.  We need serious spectrum policy reform, and we need it yesterday.

Part of the solution will come from technology itself, including innovation to make more efficient use of existing allocations, expanding the range of usable spectrum for more uses, capabilities to dynamically share spectrum and rebalance loads, and so on.  There are impressive developments in these and other strategies for coping with the potential of spectrum exhaustion, but no one can say with confidence that the solutions will outpace the problems.

The bigger issue underlying spectrum exhaustion is the glacial pace with which current regulatory systems work to rebalance allocations.

Once a license is granted, the licensee can largely rely on keeping it indefinitely.  If they operate in a stable or shrinking market (such as over-the-air broadcast, which the Consumer Electronics Association said recently has shrunk to only 8% of U.S. households), there’s no incentive to optimize the property, which, for the licensee, is a sunk cost.

Given the limits of secondary markets, there’s also little  incentive to find more efficient uses of the allocation and free up spectrum that is no longer needed for its licensed purpose.  Indeed, even for operators who want to exit the market in part or in whole, use limitations on existing allocations make transfer through secondary markets cumbersome if not impossible.

Even if the FCC unblocks these markets, game theory problems may constrain the effectiveness of either the VIAs or the secondary markets.

Federal users, of course, feel no competitive threat to optimize their allocations, and fall back to the conversation-ending “national defense” excuse whenever the possibility emerges of giving up some of the frequencies they are warehousing.

And then there are state and local authorities, who also share jurisdiction over communications.  Limits on cell tower construction, use, and other technical improvements aren’t addressed in the proposed legislation.  But they are equally to blame for the crisis mentality.

S. 911 is a good start toward removing some of the institutional barriers that limit our flexibility in rebalancing spectrum needs and spectrum allocations.  But it’s only a start.  If the information revolution is to continue uninterrupted, we need a lot more improvements.

And soon.

Updates to the Media Page

We’ve added about a dozen new posts to the Media Page on my website, reflecting a sampling of articles, media quotes, and radio appearances from the last few months. These include several pieces for CNET News.com and Forbes, as well as links to appearances on NPR’s “Science Friday” (debating Sen. Al Franken on privacy law) and “Marketplace.”

I continue to be called on to help business leaders understand the confusing and dangerous new interest that national, state and local governments are taking in the “management” of the digital economy. I’ve been speaking most recently about Apple’s iPhone privacy flap (which turned out to have nothing to do with privacy), the AT&T/T-Mobile merger, and pending legislation in Congress aimed at curbing online piracy of movies and trademarked goods, the so-called “Protect IP” Act.

Next week, I’ll be making my tenth visit this year to Washington to meet with Congressional staffers and other policy makers to discuss these and other worrisome developments. Increasingly, my role seems to be as an unofficial representative of Silicon Valley helping regulators see the potential damage to innovation from ill-considered laws.

Of course I continue my long-standing work with companies working to introduce new products and services that exploit digital technology. The introduction of “killer apps” only gets faster with time, and more than ten years since the publication of my first book, I’m deeply flattered to hear from entrepreneurs who tell me the book still works as a manual for success in the digital age.

More on Protect IP Act – the Surprisngly Free Podcast

I’m pleased to be the guest this week on Jerry Brito’s “Surprisingly Free” podcast for the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

Jerry and I talk about enforcing copyright and trademark law online, and in particular the dangers of the recently-introduced Protect IP Act.  Protect IP tries to solve the problem of foreign websites selling unlicensed or counterfeit goods, but the tools it offers are a poor match for the realities of the global network, and if passed would likely do more harm than good.

Later:  Alternatives better suited to the real, underlying problems of digital content.

For AT&T/T-Mobile merger, Sprint throws in regulatory kitchen sink

For CNET this morning, I write about the latest tempest in the AT&T/T-Mobile USA merger teapot: cellular backhaul or “special access” as its known in the industry.

Like a child sitting on Santa’s lap at the mall, Sprint CEO Dan Hesse included backhaul in his wish list of conditions he’d like to see attached to the deal. Yesterday, Public Knowledge duly confirmed that yes, backhaul is a “multiplier” problem for the deal.

(Sprint says they would like the deal blocked, but that is mere posturing. What they really want is to use the FCC’s bloated and unprincipled merger review process to sneak in as many private concessions for themselves as they can get. And who can blame them for trying? More on that in a moment.)

For those who don’t know, backhaul is the process of moving cellular traffic (voice and data) to other high-speed networks (traditionally landline copper but now including cable, fiber, microwave and local Ethernet) to transport them to their ultimate destination. As mobile use increases, of course, the necessity of reliable, high-speed backhaul to keep overall performance up becomes more critical than ever.

Let’s work backwards:

1. The merger has no impact whatsoever on backhaul. PK’s Harold Feld told The Hill that “One measure of just and reasonable is comparing similarly situated customers. So AT&T has to at least be reasonably consistent in pricing. That means T-Mobile benefits to some degree from any pricing concessions that Sprint can negotiate, and vice versa. And if AT&T is too unreasonable to either one, or both, having two similarly situated companies complain to the FCC and produce evidence that AT&T is being unreasonable makes a stronger case than having just one company.”

Except that T-Mobile is not a customer. T-Mobile, like Sprint’s own subsidiary Clearwire, does not buy backhaul from AT&T or Verizon or any other landline infrastructure provider, relying instead on alternate backhaul technologies including microwave and Ethernet. T-Mobile doesn’t sell backhaul, and it doesn’t buy it from landline providers. So whatever part of the backhaul market AT&T holds today will be exactly the same the day after the merger. All Sprint loses is another company who could theoretically join it in complaining about AT&T’s rates to the FCC–except that T-Mobile doesn’t care about AT&T’s rates, because T-Mobile doesn’t buy from AT&T.

2. Sprint has only itself to blame if it’s too reliant on others for backhaul – The backhaul market, like many aspects of the communications industry (e.g., peering arrangements), is notoriously secret. No one really knows who is paying how much to whom for what–and those that do know are prohibited from disclosing.

But we do know that landline and cable companies have been investing billions over the last decade to upgrade, update, and extent their infrastructure. And we know that Sprint has not made a similar investment in landline infrastructure, putting its money in its wireless network. Which means that Sprint has known all along that it would remain reliant on its competitors for backhaul. The company made a strategic choice to lease rather than to build, knowing that while the FCC no longer regulates backhaul rates, the agency is there to keep prices in check. The merger doesn’t change that reality one iota.

Sprint says it pays “very very high” prices for backhaul from AT&T and Verizon, and that the backhaul business is exceptionally profitable. That sounds like a great opportunity, if it’s true, for someone else to enter the market. And indeed, dozens of companies large (Comcast) and small (local Ethernet) have entered the market. (Comcast projects $1 billion in its backhaul revenue in the near future.) Just not Sprint. Why should the FCC bail them out of what may have been a series of bad business decisions?

3. The real problem is merger review – As the two Republican FCC Commissioners said at the time of the Comcast-NBC Universal merger and its 200 pages of largely unrelated conditions, the FCC’s “regulation by merger” habit has grown life-threatening for the industries it regulates. Despite having nothing to do with the merger, and despite pure rent-seeking by Sprint to cut its backhaul costs in the name of antitrust, it seems possible that–sure, why not?–backhaul rate regulation concessions will be added to what will surely be the mother of all condition lists. (For AT&T, not Verizon or anyone else–at least not until their next merger review)

That is, when the FCC finally gets around to approving the deal. (The agency maintains a 180-day review deadline, but also grants itself the power to stop the clock anytime it likes. That’s how XM-Sirius took sixteen months, for example.)

The dangers of regulation by merger condition are obvious and getting worse. The merged entity is often crippled in its ability to operate for years after the merger, with each condition overseen by the FCC (and/or DOJ and/or FTC). Different companies offering similar products and services live by different sets of regulations, some of which exceed what the agencies could have legally done had they simply regulated everyone under their Congressional powers. The net result does nothing to improve competition in the relevant market. Quite the opposite.

Inviting competitors like Sprint to add to the list of unrelated conditions its Christmas list of kickbacks, sweetheart deals, tribute and plenary indulgences only makes a bad problem worse. Looking beyond the AT&T/T-Mobile merger, Sprint of all companies should know that…and know better.

What the Protect IP Act says about the current state of the Internet content wars

I’ve written two articles on the Protect IP Act of 2011, introduced last week by Sen. Leahy (D-Vt.).

For CNET, I look at some of the key differences, better and worse, between Protect IP and its predecessor last year, known as COICA.

On Forbes this morning, I have a long meditation on what Protect IP says about the current state of the Internet content wars.  Copyright, patent, and trademark are under siege from digital technology, and for now at least are clearly losing the arms race.

The new bill isn’t exactly the nuclear option in the fight between the media industries and everyone else, but it does signal increased desperation.

I’m not exactly a non-combatant here.  Increasingly, everyone is being dragged into this fight, including search engines, ISPs, advertisers, financial transaction processors, and, in Protect IP is passed, anyone who uses a hyperlink.

But as someone who earns his living from information exchanges–what the law anachronistically calls “intellectual property”–I’m not exactly an anarchist either (or as one recent commenter on CNET called me, a complete anarchist!).

The development of an information economy will stabilize and mature at some point, and, I believe, the new supply chain will be richer, more profitable, and give a greater share of the value than the current one does to those who actually create new content.  (Most of the cost of information products and services today is eaten up by middlemen, media, and distribution.)

But it’s not an especially smooth or predictable trajectory.  Joseph Schumpeter didn’t call it creative destruction for nothing.