The antitrust sledgehammer

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Lovers of freedom and protectors of keeping out-of-print books out of print are dancing with glee at the announcement yesterday from Google and the trade associations who sued the company that they are renegotiating their settlement. This in light of the torrent of objections received by the court, notably a last-minute (technically after the deadline) tirade from the Justice Department that the deal raised serious antitrust concerns.

As I write in Chapter 7 of “The Laws of Disruption,” invocations of antitrust have a nasty habit of boomeranging against those who chant its doctrines, especially when they don’t really understand how dangerous a body of law it is. Most of the IT industry was thrilled (secretly or otherwise), when the Justice Department came down on IBM, AT&T, and more recently, on Microsoft and Intel. What could be better than having a major competitor distracted, perhaps for years, by the 19th century machinery of litigation against the federal government?

Of course some of the loudest braying on behalf of inserting the government into the structure of the computer industry came from Oracle. CEO Larry Ellison famously cheered on the Justice Department’s pursuit of Microsoft; that is, until the Antitrust Division challenged his takeover of PeopleSoft in 2004. Oops.

The Obama Justice Department has promised to put more teeth into antitrust enforcement and it clearly has Google in its sights. This despite the fact that the feds understand nothing of the very different economic properties and behaviors of information. There seems to be something, well, Unamerican about being so successful. We love scampy underdogs, but when they win, we turn on them pretty much immediately as oppressive tyrants. It’s why the Rocky movies never really worked once he won.

Justice is already poking holes in the Bing-Yahoo deal, for example, as Lance Whitney reported the other week. This despite the fact that Google enjoys an enormous majority of the search market (which it got how, exactly? Oh yeah, innovation) and despite the fact that consumers, ten years into the Web revolution, continue to pay NOTHING for search services.

Oracle itself is again is in the antitrust cross-hairs, this time in Europe for its attempt to takeover Sun. U.S. antitrust regulators are misguided; the E.U.’s current class of clowns are just plain mean, setting a new low in undefining a legal standard for “harm to consumers.” (Mostly they just mouth the words as they go after companies who aren’t European enough for E.U. Antitrust chief Neelie Kroes.) Regulators must “examine very carefully the effects on competition in Europe,” Kroes said earlier this month, “when the world’s leading proprietary database company proposes to take over the world’s leading open-source database company.”

Yes, Oracle will take over Sun and then proceed to destroy what’s left of its assets, that is, MySQL, which has .4% of global DBMS revenues. Good business sense there.

Gartner Group’s Donald Feinberg has another explanation. Again, Lance Whitney at CNET has the story. “It’s a political agenda,” Feinberg says bluntly. “[I]t is the re-emergence of protectionism…The EU is looking for how it can protect the companies in Europe.”

Antitrust started out as political. Then it became grounded in economics. Now, with the emergence of a new kind of economy, it’s lost its way and gone back to being political.

Which should serve as a powerful warning to those who get in bed with antitrust regulators. Today, the Google Books settlement and the Oracle-Sun and Yahoo-Bing deals. Tomorrow, when the political winds change, it will be you.

That’s about the only thing predictable about antitrust these days.

Zombieland – The Return of Net neutrality

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(I apologize in advance for the length of this blog entry. If you get all the way through this post and think to yourself that net neutrality is more technical and more complicated than you thought, and that in all honesty you really don’t understand it well enough to form an opinion, than I have done my job. Business journalists take note: simplifying the story to make it readable doesn’t really help in a policy debate that is, unavoidably, confusing.)

In 2008, CNet’s Declan McCullagh declared the death of legislation floating around Congress that would enforce the so-called “Net neutrality” principle. His article, which made good sense at the time, was titled “Ten things that finally killed net neutrality.”

Well, Net neutrality has returned from the grave. Today, President Obama’s newly-confirmed head of the FCC, Julius Genachowski, announced a proposed rulemaking that would establish a neutrality regime over broadband, cable, and wireless Internet providers. The text of his speech is here.

I spend far too much of Chapter 6 of “The Laws of Disruption” laying out the case against net neutrality, an argument I also made briefly in an earlier CNet post and an article in CIO Insight. See “Preserve Internet Freedom…From Regulation” and “What’s Wrong with Net Neutrality?”

I still think Net neutrality is a bad idea, top to bottom. As reader comments to today’s coverage of the Chairman’s speech reiterate, however, I recognize it has also become, unfortunately, an emotional subject, a proxy for all kinds of powerful emotions and unrelated topics. It’s hard to talk about it rationally with both proponents and opponents. Not unlike, come to think of it, another famous death and resurrection.

So instead of repeating myself, I’ll just highlight a few points worth noting about today’s developments.

What does a “proposed rulemaking” mean? Many of the stories from the business press today described a fundamental shift in Internet policy. Not quite. The Chairman gave a speech, in which he announced an upcoming rulemaking process to develop and possibly adopt new rules. That process is long, political, and weird. What actually comes out of it can’t be predicted. And if history is any guide, any rules ultimately adopted will be vigorously challenged in court. It may be years before any enforceable new rules come into effect, and they may bear little resemblance to the six guiding principles announced today.

Rulemaking vs. legislation. In its earlier incarnation, net neutrality was being considered not by the FCC but by Congress. The difference is significant. Congress can add to or remove from the authority of the FCC; the FCC cannot expand its own jurisdiction. In the Commission’s earlier decision to sanction Comcast for violating the FCC’s original neutrality principles (which were never formally adopted as rules), Comcast objected on the grounds that the FCC has no authority over its Internet business.

A federal appellate court is considering that argument now, but given the Supreme Court and the FCC’s own interpretation of the Communications Act of 1996, it seems quite plausible that today the FCC has no regulatory authority over cable or wireless Internet providers, only phone companies such as AT&T. Doesn’t make much sense, but that’s the law as it stands now. And changing such a fundamental feature of communications law is even less likely than getting through the rulemaking process.

Chairman Genachowski’s retcon. The Chairman is certainly right to say that the Internet’s original architects designed an “open system,” but what exactly does that mean? Open to any device or software that supports its underlying protocol, TCP/IP, or “not biased in favor of any particular application,” as the Chairman defined it today? I think he’d be hard-pressed, if it matters, to find any indication that the Internet architects were even thinking of applications, let alone bias for or against.

In any case the protocols—that is, the Internet—still aren’t biased. Net neutrality has everything to do with techniques (good, bad, or otherwise) for managing network traffic, about which the original architects of the Internet wisely architected nothing. As the Chairman later said, using that horrible “it’s not about/it’s about” formulation, “This is not about government regulation of the Internet. It’s about fair rules of the road for companies that control access to the Internet.” (emphasis added) The architects of the original Internet couldn’t possibly have designed a system that built in “open” principles for companies that would come to control access to the network for consumers.

The “open” design of the Internet couldn’t possibly have said anything about access, in other words. As it stands, the concerns of those who are pushing for Net neutrality have to do with traffic management between the ISP and the end-user, that is, on the last mile. No ISP can tinker with the flow of packets once they enter the cloud, which is part of the genius of the design. Let’s be clear that it isn’t the design of the “Internet” that’s at issue here, but rather the regulation of access provisioning. Rhetorical devices are part of the reason no one can talk calmly about the subject.

Why has the Internet succeeded? I agree with the Chairman that one lesson of the Internet’s success has been that “we cannot know what tomorrow holds on the Internet, except that it will be unexpected…and that the fewer obstacles [ ] innovators face…the greater our opportunity.” But what sort of obstacles do the most damage, those introduced by network operators or those introduced by federal regulators? Put another way, has the Internet succeeded because network operators have so far treated all packets with identical priority in routing traffic, or has the Internet succeeded because there has been little if any interference with the development of an enormous new industry by state or federal regulators?

Phyrric victories all around. Let’s say the rulemaking goes forward and in the end, the six principles of Net neutrality proposed by the Chairman become law. DSL, Cable and Wireless Internet providers will be forbidden (subject to “reasonable network management” exceptions to be determined) to block or otherwise throttle high-bandwidth applications including IP telephony, file-sharing, and video streaming.

In order to keep the networks operating efficiently, the likely response will be to switch from unlimited bandwidth plans to metered plans, where high-volume users will pay more for access, or pay more during peak periods, much as happens today with large commercial water and electricity users (or even consumer users during droughts, heat waves, and other emergencies). The mechanism for metering adds cost and overhead, reflected in everyone’s rates. Perhaps more ominously, metering means closer tracking and inspection of traffic, which will raise legitimate new privacy concerns.

Furthermore, the Chairman has proposed that the FCC “evaluate” alleged violations on a “case-by-case basis” using “fact-based determinations.” What does that mean? Imagine for a moment that you want to complain to the FCC because you believe your ISP has violated the Net neutrality rules. The facts the FCC will need in order to “evaluate” your complaint will, of necessity, include details of the applications, content, and information you were trying to send and receive, and perhaps that of other network users trying to access the Internet at the same time. To me (although no one else seems to mind), this raises even more privacy concerns.

If nothing else, these new “fact-based determinations” will require the FCC to build new capacity, including significant network expertise on its staff. Even if the rules get enacted, Congress will have to appropriate new funding for enforcement.

Good luck with that, Chairman Genachowski.

The harmonic convergence

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The thesis of “The Laws of Disruption” is that the accelerating pace of digital life increases the conflicts between innovation and the much-slower paced legal system.

On The New York Times website yesterday, all three “Technology” headlines were in fact stories about the conflict:

Government Urges Changes to Google Books Deal
Skype Founders Escalate Legal Fight Over Sale
F.C.C. Seeks to Protect Free Flow of Internet Data

The first story continues Miguel Helft’s excellent coverage of the Google Books class action settlement, about which see earlier posts.

The third story concerns the resurrection of the Net Neutrality debate, about which I will post on Monday after the FCC announces its proposed new rules for ISPs.

The Skype story is a nice example of how legal proceedings are now a standard part of complicated business deals–a cautionary tale for executives who think they can leave legal matters entirely to lawyers.

When IP telephone start-up Skype sold a majority of its business to eBay (a deal that never made any sense), the company retained ownership of the actual software that is at the core of its service. Over the last several days, Skype’s former owners have filed various lawsuits aimed at stopping the sale of Skype, which the former owners wanted to buy back. EBay is planning to sell 65% of their interest, instead, to outside investors, including former friends of Skype’s original owners.

The various lawsuits claim that eBay and the potential new owners have infringed copyrights in the Skype software, and that a former board member of Joost, which is owned by the former Skype owners, misused his position at Joost to get information that helped his investment company’s successful bid for Skype.

Brad Stone cites an unnamed source who nicely sums up the role played by law in this business negotiation:

“This is emotional,” this person said. “This is, ‘You stole my baby,’ ” the person continued. “They have staying power. They know how the legal system works, and they are not wimps.”

Knowing how the legal system works is, increasingly, a critical business skill for technology enterprises. Do you have it?

Veoh dodges the DMCA bullet

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My friend Andrew Bridges points out an important development in the ongoing war between content producers and their customers this week.  A federal district judge granted summary judgment in to file-sharing service Veoh in a lawsuit brought by Universal Music.  Greg Sandoval gets the story mostly right at CNet.

Universal sued the site, claiming that its users were posting content protected under copyright law.  Veoh responded that it was immune from lawsuits over what its users did under the notorious Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), which provides a “safe harbor” for website operators, provided they respond to takedown demands sent in good faith by content owners who believe their rights are being infringed.  Universal argued that the site wasn’t entitled to the safe harbor defense because it was complicit in the violations committed by its users.  Because Veoh responds in a timely manner to takedown letters and otherwise tries to minimize infringing postings by users, however, the court held it was entitled to immunity.

Some reporters were quick—too quick–to declare victory not only for Veoh but for YouTube, which is still facing a $1 billion lawsuit by Viacom on similar facts.  As I’ve explained in earlier posts, summary judgment rulings by district courts are hardly the last word in a case, no matter how strongly worded.  Universal will surely appeal to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, where anything can happen (and often does).  District court opinions have no precedential value, and even if the Ninth Circuit affirms Judge Matz without modification, Ninth Circuit decisions have no precedential value in another circuit (the YouTube case is in the Second Circuit).

All this litigation, of course, is part of a larger shadow play within the entertainment industry to work out new ways of distributing and monetizing content in the digital age.  UCLA Law Professor Doug Lichtman, quoted in Sandoval’s article, gets it just right:

“The most important antipiracy efforts under way these days aren’t cases but (rather) business initiatives like Hulu and Redbox,” Lichtman said, “where the content community is struggling to figure out how to give consumers what they want, in forms they want, and at reasonable prices.”

The litigation is a sideshow.  An expensive, time-consuming, and potentially out-of-control sideshow, but a sideshow nonetheless.